Iranian Zoroastrians: Custodians of the Sasanian Silk Road Heritage to the Present
Abstract
This study examines the material and intangible heritage of Iranian Zoroastrians in Khorasan and Tabaristan from the Sasanian period to the present, with a particular focus on their connection to the Silk Road. It investigates the timing and patterns of Zoroastrian migration and how they preserved Sasanian Silk Road heritage through silk production, related occupations, dialects, historical architecture, and ritual practices. Data was collected through fieldwork, document analysis, specialized silk terminology, and direct interaction with the community. The findings indicate that Zoroastrian migration from Khorasan and Tabaristan occurred at different times due to distinct historical and geographical factors; natural barriers in Tabaristan delayed migration, whereas Khorasan came under Muslim rule earlier. The celebration of Tirgan, the variation of the Dari Behdini dialects in Yazd and Kerman, and the naming of settlements further aid in tracing the origins of migrant communities. This study demonstrates that Zoroastrians not only preserved silk-related traditions but also safeguarded the tangible and intangible heritage of the Silk Road, as evidenced by the spatial relationship between bazaars and dakhmas, archaeological findings, the use of Farr by Zoroastrian silk merchants, and Zoroastrian dress codes—such as the wearing of the Maknā, even in funerary rituals.
Introduction
After the fall of the Sasanian Empire (from 224 to 651 CE), the Zoroastrians of Iran continued to adhere to their ancestral faith for several generations. However, with the rise of a new political order and increasing socio-religious pressures, this ancient community experienced significant population decline and waves of both internal and external migration. Among the regions most affected were the historical provinces of Khorasan and Tabaristan—key nodes along the Iranian segment of the Silk Road—where internal displacement of Zoroastrians was particularly marked.
This paper, by focusing on terminology specific to sericulture and silk trade, investigates where the majority of Zoroastrians from these two regions eventually resettled—most notably in the cities of Yazd and Kerman. It further explores how these communities preserved their roles as stewards of the intangible heritage of the Silk Road. In both cities, Zoroastrians not only maintained their traditional professions related to silk production, but also deeply embedded them within the rhythms of everyday life and the framework of their religious and ceremonial practices.
Despite Zoroastrians’ significant historical role in sustaining the Silk Road’s cultural and economic networks, their tangible and intangible heritage has received limited scholarly attention. This study aims to address this gap and serve as a complement to upcoming UNESCO international heritage nominations, such as the Tirgān festival (2026).Footnote1
In light of the ongoing decline in fluent speakers of Dari Behdini—the principal liturgical and cultural language of the Zoroastrian community—identifying and preserving Silk Road–related terminology has become ever more urgent. Moreover, Zoroastrian religious doctrines and ritual observances profoundly shape their cultural vocabulary and symbolic landscape. As such, any researcher working in this domain must possess in-depth familiarity with the theological and ceremonial systems of Iranian Zoroastrianism.
Given the community’s historical tendency toward cultural seclusion and guardedness, the collection of reliable ethnographic data is best conducted by an insider or a highly trusted affiliate. Proficiency in both major Zoroastrian dialect groups is essential to building rapport with participants, indicating that the researcher must occupy a layered positionality that integrates linguistic competence, cultural embeddedness, and ethnographic sensitivity beyond the scope of conventional fieldwork training. In this context, access to ethnographic data was facilitated through an embodied and long-term familiarity with the socio-economic structures of Zoroastrian textile culture, particularly those associated with silk production and circulation.
This situated positionality is informed by sustained engagement with all major dimensions of the silk economy, as well as its cultural and art-historical dimensions. On the one hand, the researcher’s paternal family has been historically involved in the silk textile trade and the cultural economy of silk carpets at the upstream end of the production and circulation network. On the other hand, the maternal family has been engaged in silk weaving practices at the artisanal, downstream end of the same network. This dual positioning within both commercial and productive spheres of silk economies has enabled a nuanced understanding of silk textile terminology, material practices, and socio-economic relations embedded in Zoroastrian communities. Such embeddedness, combined with the researcher’s affiliation within the Zoroastrian cultural milieu, has played a significant role in facilitating trust and access during fieldwork, thereby enhancing the reliability and depth of the ethnographic data collected.
Methodology/Materials and Methods
The material and intangible heritage of Zoroastrians in relation to the Silk Road—from the Sasanian period to the present—has largely remained underexplored. Despite the continuous role of this ethno-religious community as a bearer of Silk Road cultural heritage, data collection has been challenging due to the dispersed nature of the Zoroastrian diaspora worldwide. Consequently, this heritage is gradually at risk of fading. The information presented here has been sourced from private collections and anthropological museums, including the Zoroastrian Anthropology Museum in Kerman and the Zoroastrian History and Culture Museum in Yazd (Mārkār Museum), as well as from archival institutions such as the Ministry of Cultural Heritage of Iran, the National Library of Iran, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Organization, and UNESCO files.
The methodology of this study is highly interdisciplinary, adopting a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach that draws on multiple types of data to provide a comprehensive understanding of the cultural, economic, and ritual practices related to silk within the Zoroastrian community.
- Data Collection
- Fieldwork
- Interviews: Semi- structured interviews were conducted with 21 Zoroastrian silk weavers and traders across Iran and the diaspora.
- Multimedia Sources: Analysis of 234 minutes of audio recordings, 78 minutes of rough footage, 209 minutes of rough and fine-cut video, 105 photographic frames, and over 200 commercial invoices.
- Material Culture: Examination of selected silk textile samples and archival materials from museums and private collections.
- Bibliography and Written Documents: Historical letters, books, travelogues, and commercial invoices were reviewed to complement fieldwork findings and trace historical patterns of silk production and trade.
- Oral Traditions and Literature: Collection and documentation of cultural knowledge, rituals, and terminology were facilitated through interviews, family albums, documentary films, and archival sources.
- Fieldwork
- Data Management and Analysis
- Separation and Extraction of Information: Key information was extracted from multimedia, textual, and material sources to organize the data for analysis.
- Material Culture Analysis: Silk textile samples were analyzed using microscopy techniques to study weaving techniques, patterns, and material properties.
- Intangible Heritage Analysis: Data related to ritual practices, intergenerational transmission of skills, and community knowledge were coded and analyzed to identify recurring themes.
- Terminology Documentation: Words and symbolic forms related to silk weaving, recorded from interviews and commercial invoices, were documented and compared to trace cultural and linguistic continuity.
- Body Movement Analysis: Movements of weavers were observed to complement the understanding of skill transmission.
- Analytical Framework
- Coding and Thematic Analysis: All qualitative data (interviews, audiovisual materials, archival texts) were coded to identify patterns and themes across material and intangible heritage.
- Content Analysis: Quantitative examination of archival documents, invoices, and other textual sources was performed to assess the frequency and distribution of cultural practices and commercial terms.
- Narrative Analysis: Personal stories, oral histories, and accounts of ritual practices were analyzed to understand the lived experiences and symbolic meanings of silk within the Zoroastrian community.
This combination of methods allows for a holistic understanding of both tangible and intangible aspects of Zoroastrian silk culture, integrating historical, ethnographic, and material evidence.
The Silk Road
The term Silk Road, coined in the 19th century by German geographer Ferdinand von Richthofen, refers to the ancient trade routes linking East and West (Waugh Citation2007, 2). Beyond trade in luxury goods, these routes facilitated the exchange of knowledge, beliefs, technologies, and cultures, turning cities into intellectual hubs. UNESCO notes that over two millennia, the Silk Roads acted as a cultural corridor promoting trade, scientific progress, and interreligious dialogue between Eastern and Western civilizations (Jing and Guo Citation2012, 46).
The expansion of the Silk Road in Iran coincided with the rise and consolidation of the Parthian (247 BCE–224 CE) and Kushan (ca. first century BCE to mid-third century CE) empires and paralleled the development of the Han Empire in East Asia (206 BCE–220 CE). These empires facilitated the emergence and strengthening of transregional exchange networks by establishing political and commercial infrastructures (Gasparini Citation2024, 181).
Sasanian Persia became the dominant power in West Asia, especially in controlling Silk Road trade (Zhao Citation2022, 23). By the mid-sixth century, smuggling white mulberry seeds into Constantinople aimed less at evading China than at bypassing the Sasanian monopoly, as the empire strictly controlled foreign silk imports to protect this lucrative trade (Coles Citation2022, 127).
Zoroastrianism and the Silk Road
Zoroastrianism, originating among Iranian peoples around 3,000 years ago, was Iran’s dominant religion before the 7th-century Arab conquests (Foltz Citation2011, 73). Since it became the official religion during the Sasanian Empire, this study focuses on the Zoroastrian heritage of the Silk Roads from that period to the present.
The history of Iran in relation to Zoroastrianism is commonly divided into five stages: (1) the ancient heritage of pre-Zoroastrian Indo-Iranian religion; (2) the religion of Zoroaster himself; (3) the religion of the Achaemenid emperors, from Cyrus to Alexander, supported by datable inscriptional evidence; (4) later Zoroastrianism, when deities and mythological elements rejected by Zoroaster were reintroduced; and (5) the religion of the Magi, if considered distinct (Barr Citation1985, 221).
While most scholars accept these five traditional stages, examining Zoroastrianism through the lens of the Silk Road—considering its historical phases in Iran, the tradition of Zoroastrian silk weaving, and the later forced migrations—suggests an alternative six-stage classification: (1) the pre-Sasanian era, in which no clear scholarly consensus exists on the establishment of Zoroastrianism as the official state religion; (2) the Sasanian period, characterized by the formal adoption and institutionalization of Zoroastrianism as the state religion; (3) the post-Sasanian era, concurrent with the rise of Islamic empires (7th–9th century) and the transitional period known as the Iranian Intermezzo (9th–11th century); (4) the consolidation of Islam, during which Zoroastrians became a marginalized minority (11th–13th century); (5) from the 13th century to the end of the Qajar dynasty in the 20th century, when increasing social pressures from the majority society sought to erode their cultural and religious identity and impose dress codes; and (6) from the 19th century to the present, alongside Iran’s industrialization, the Zoroastrian population has sharply declined and dispersed globally, contributing to the gradual disappearance of traditional silk weaving practices and the endangerment of their spoken dialects.
Silk, Textiles, and Weaving in Zoroastrian Religious Literature
The Greater Bundahishn (Iranian Bundahishn),Footnote2 compiled after the seventh century, presents a Zoroastrian account of creation and describes plant fibers such as Deccan hemp (Hibiscus cannabinus) and cotton, plants used for mat weaving, and dye plants including saffron, indigo, dyer’s madder, turmeric, and logwood (West Citation1897, chap. 9). In the Bundahishn (Chapters IX, Sections 101–102), the first human couple, Mashya and Mashyana, emerge from a pair of plants, where God creates the Farr—a preexistent divine force that attaches to their bodies at creation. They are then taught weaving (Anklesaria Citation1956) (Figure 1). In the Sasanian tradition, Farr also symbolizes the king’s divine authority, often depicted in silk textile motifs (Dode Citation2022, 158) (Figure 2).
Figure 1 The Farr of mashya and mashyana, depicted within a white circle, is linked to a plant above. The first human couple appears as abstract male and female figures with a plant growing from their heads. (source: Zartošti-dūzi silk embroidery, safavid wedding shirt, circa 1700; Textile as Art Citation2025).
Display full sizeFigure 2 The Farr symbol features a torc-like ring inside a red circle, with two silk ribbons in a green rectangle fluttering. (author description; image: early 7th century, Dode Citation2022, 158).
Display full sizeZoroastrian silk merchants still use a torc-like silver ring called Farr, worn as a bracelet. It exists in two forms:
- A bracelet with multiple small loops, each holding a silk ribbon or tablet-woven strip representing part of the merchant’s collection; the clasp allows adding or removing loops. (Figure 3a)
- A bracelet without loops, displaying rectangular silk strips with complete motifs, showcasing the merchant’s textile collection (Shahani, pers. comm., November 20, 2024). (Figure 3b)
Figure 3 (a) Silver bracelet with loops (author’s photograph; private collection). (b) Silver bracelet with and without loops (author’s photograph, private collection).
Display full sizeAmong kings endowed with Farr, Hushang is noted in Zoroastrian tradition as the first to transmit weaving—originally taught to Mashya and Mashyana—to humanity and as the pioneer of metallurgy. The symbolic link between metal rings and Farr may stem from Hushang’s myth (Vevaina Citation2024, Dēnkard Book 9, Nasks 1–3). Other kings, including Jamshid, are also associated with Farr and textile arts; he introduced flax fibers, silk, natural dyes, and taught spinning and sewing (West Citation1897, ch. 1; ch. 10).
Tahmuras, another king endowed with Farr, is closely linked to silk. In one account, he learns silk-spinning and filament production from demonic beings (Vevaina Citation2024, Dēnkard Book 9, Nasks 1–3). In another, his wife makes a pact with the devil, who teaches her sericulture (Pashootanizadeh Citation2024, 125).
Zoroastrianism in Iran
After the Arab conquest and the fall of the Sasanian Empire in the 7th century, most Persians gradually converted to Islam, marginalizing Zoroastrians (Foltz Citation2011, 73). Despite Islam becoming Iran’s official religion, Zoroastrianism persisted in some regions until the late 11th century. Between the 9th and 11th centuries, during the Iranian Intermezzo or Persian Renaissance, Zoroastrian culture remained present across Khorasan, Tabaristan, and parts of central Iran (Pashootanizadeh Citation2025, 127). Nevertheless, following the Sasanian collapse and up to the Mongol conquest in the early 13th century, Zoroastrianism steadily declined, becoming a minority religion (Stausberg, Arab, and Maleki Citation2023, 826).
Over the centuries, the Zoroastrian population declined to fewer than 10,000, shrinking from a religion with diverse regional traditions to being mostly concentrated in the desert cities of Yazd and Kerman and nearby villages (Stausberg Citation2002, 365). By the 1970s, their numbers nearly tripled to around 25,000, with a wider geographic spread and the majority residing in Tehran from the 1960s onward (Stausberg Citation2002, 240). This growth halted with the 1979 Iranian Revolution, prompting many Zoroastrians to emigrate (Stausberg Citation2011, 331).
According to the Atlas of Religions, fewer than 20,000 Zoroastrians currently live in their homeland, and an Iranian government census about a decade ago reported that they make up less than 0.03% of Iran’s populationFootnote3—roughly 15,000 to 20,000 people (Rivetna Citation2013, 1). Some studies, however, report figures that diverge from the actual number of adherents. For example, a 2023 study estimated that Zoroastrians comprise around 8% of Iran’s population, nearly four million people. This estimate, however, reflects not genuine followers but rather individuals expressing an interest in Zoroastrianism while lacking substantial knowledge of its culture, language, and teachings (Stausberg, Arab, and Maleki Citation2023, 824).
From Tabaristan and Khorasan to Kerman and Yazd
Many historical sources have reported that Khorasan was swiftly occupied by the Arabs; however, Tabaristan, due to its challenging geography—including dense forests, marshy terrain, persistent rainfall, high humidity, and strong resistance from its inhabitants—remained beyond the reach of early Muslim conquests for a significantly longer period (Chokan, Salim, and Hasan Citation2023, 131). Notably, Qutayba ibn Muslim, who was appointed governor of Khorasan following the Arab conquest of Iran and rose to prominence as a capable military commander under the powerful Umayyad caliph al-Walid I through his successful campaigns across Transoxiana, never managed to approach Tabaristan (Azami Sangasari Citation1977, 62).
This historical evidence, along with the relative accessibility of Khorasan compared to the challenging terrain of Tabaristan, strengthen the hypothesis that Zoroastrians from Khorasan were compelled to migrate during the post-Sasanian era, whereas the Zoroastrians of Tabaristan likely migrated later, in connection with the period of the consolidation of Islam in Iran.
However, by examining the following four items, further evidence regarding the settlement of Zoroastrians in both regions can be found.
Cultural Geography and Territorial Identity
Given the commercial significance of silk production along the Silk Road in Khorasan, and the designation of threeFootnote4 out of nine Silk Road stations as “Gabr-Ābād”—meaning “Zoroastrian quarter”—in the region known as Khorasan within the current geographical borders of Iran, it is evident that Zoroastrians named their settlements with identifiers reflecting their territorial and communal identity.
This same pattern is traceable among the Zoroastrian community in Gujarat, India, who migrated from Khorasan (Hodivala Citati
Considering that “Kabul”Footnote6 was regarded as part of Greater Khorasan during the heyday of the Silk Road, many Zoroastrians in Kerman adopted the surname “Kaboli”,Footnote7 derived from their ancestral homeland. A similar naming practice is observed among Zoroastrians who later migrated to India from Kerman or Yazd; they often gave their children the names “Kermani” or “Yazdi”Footnote8 to preserve the memory of their place of origin (Hormozi, pers. comm., December 9, 2024).
Dari Behdini Language and Silk Terminology
The spoken language of Iranian Zoroastrians, known as the Dari Behdini language,Footnote9 is entirely oral and divided into two distinct dialects. This linguistic division can help identify the identities of the migrant communities settled in Kerman and Yazd. Zoroastrians residing in Kerman speak Dari Behdini with an accent associated with northeastern Iran, commonly referred to as the Khorasani dialect, while those in Yazd use the Perso-Tabari dialect (Pashootanizadeh Citation2022)
Considering the lexical differences between the two dialects of Dari Behdini, the terminology related to silk and silk products used by Zoroastrians in both regions serves to identify the native origins of their inhabitants.
- The term “Milāni” referred to the most expensive type of silk, which was produced in Khorasan and, therefore, was not available in Tabaristan. Today, this term is still exclusively used by Zoroastrians of Kerman (Namiraniyan, pers. comm., November 26, 2024).
- Silk fabrics under the trade names “Dibā”, “Parniyān”, “Tofta”, and “Atlas”, all varieties of satin, were part of the terminology used by Zoroastrian merchants in the Kerman market. However, Zoroastrian female silk weavers in Yazd do not use these terms.Footnote10
- In the terminology of silk weaving, the term “Zari” is pronounced as “Šar-vofi” in the language of the Zoroastrians of Yazd. It refers to a type of brocade woven with silk produced in the Tabaristan region (Esfandiyari, pers. comm., November 27, 2024).
- “Lās” silk, the coarsest and lowest-grade type characterized by rough and streaked fibers, was native to the Tabaristan region. This term is exclusively used in the silk-weaving terminology of Zoroastrian women in Yazd (Namiraniyan, pers. comm., July 21, 2025).
- The type of silk known as “Legi” or “Legee” in the terminology of Zoroastrian silk weavers of Yazd refers to a variety of silk that was cultivated in Lahijan, a city in the Tabaristan region. This silk was historically transported from Tabaristan to “El-Ābād”
in Yazd—a Zoroastrian neighborhood—during the early Islamic centuries (Pashootanizadeh Citation2020, 253). - The names of certain plants that possess both medicinal properties and are utilized in textile processes share common terminology within the dialect of Zoroastrians from both regions. The plants “Māhruvi” and “Tahurog”
(p. 270), both belonging to the “Blepharis” genus (Subramanian et al. Citation2011), as well as “Jizi”, referring to the plant “Tragacanth”, are terms employed by silk weavers to denote substances used for joining broken threads during weaving. Nevertheless, the natural habitats of these plant species indicate the original provenance of this terminology among specific Zoroastrian groups. All of these plants grow in arid regions, and the desert climates of Kerman and Yazd provide favorable conditions for their growth. As a result, the related terminology has been incorporated into the lexical traditions of both ecological zones. However, their place of origin is Khorasan, from where, following the settlement of the Zoroastrians of Tabaristan—who, prior to their familiarity with these desert plants, had used apricot gum—these terms entered the silk-weaving terminology of Zoroastrian Yazd.
Zoroastrian Historical Structures
Although there are several recognized Zoroastrian dakhmas or “Towers of Silence” (funerary structures) in Yazd—including the dakhma of Čam village, the dakhmas of Sharifābād, the dakhma of Tarkābād (also known as the Deylam-dakhma), and the dakhma of Allāhābad-e Rostāq—none of these structures compare in architectural scale or historical significance to the ancient dakhma in Kerman (Nikzad Citation2021). The presence of this funerary structure in Kerman, dating back to the Sasanian period or shortly thereafter, suggests that Zoroastrian migration to Kerman likely began during the early Islamic era (Raoufi and Khajepour Citation2018), while the migration of Zoroastrians from Tabaristan to Yazd appears to have occurred somewhat later.
Additionally, the presence of the Zoroastrian Bazaar-e Qeysarieh, registered as a national heritage site of Iran on on 14 June of June, 1987 (Registration No. 1729), and known as the largest center for the sale of silk textiles by Zoroastrians in Kerman up until the Qajar period, serves as strong evidence of the continuation of the Silk Road’s cultural economy by the Zoroastrian community in Kerman, at least until the 18th century (Iran Shahr Architecture and Urban Planning Encyclopedia Citation2025).
Therefore, considering that the majority of the Zoroastrian community in Khorasan was actively involved in the silk economy, it is more likely that most Khorasani Zoroastrians settled in Kerman and continued to play a significant role in the silk textile trade, whereas the Zoroastrians of Tabaristan primarily settled in Yazd, as is further supported by the genetic proximity of the Yazdi Zoroastrians to the population of Mazandaran, the center of ancient Tabaristan (Grugni et al. Citation2012, 4).
Moreover, comparing the distance between the dakhma and Bazaar-e Qeysarieh in Kerman with that between the dakhmas and the silk textile bazaar in Yazd offers a meaningful insight into the nature of silk-related occupations among Zoroastrians in these two regions.
The Dakhma and Silk Textile Bazaar
Classical authors such as Herodotus, Agathias, and Strabo have also provided descriptions of the Zoroastrian dakhma (Ahmadi and Mehrafarin Citation2020, 4). Moreover, many Zoroastrians religious texts such as the Vendidad, Menog-i Khrad, Shayest Ne Shayest, and the Rivayats discuss in detail the proper treatment of the body of a deceased Zoroastrian. To prevent pollution of the four sacred elements—water, air, earth, and fire—Zoroastrians were prohibited from burying the dead, cremating them, or disposing of the body in water. Instead, the corpse was placed on an elevated and remote structure to be consumed by scavenging animals and birds (Boyce Citation1975, 156–165, 325–330).
Nonetheless, Zoroastrians did not leave their deceased naked in the dakhma. García de Silva Figueroa, in his travelogue, notes that Zoroastrians dressed the deceased in their finest clothes when placing the body in the dakhma (Figueroa and de Citation1984, 206). Adam Olearius also mentions adorning the corpse with gold chains and jewelry Olearius Citation1990, 615). Furthermore, Jean Chardin, while confirming García de Silva Figueroa’s observations, emphasizes that the body was laid upon a mattress and pillow (Chardin Citation1956–1966, vol. 8, 75, 99) All these historical sources indicate that the deceased was placed in the dakhma wearing luxurious clothing and accessories, while being laid on a bed with due respect. Therefore, it is plausible that the fabric of most of the garments was silk.
The silk textiles discovered in the dakhma of Ray/Bibi Šahrbānū—dating from the 7th to the 14th centuries (Moini and Rollman Citation2017, 10158)—along with an oral tradition from Khorasan that refers to the burial of the daughter of the last Sasanian king, reportedly dressed in silk garments at this very site (Pashootanizadeh Citation2025, 246, 258), reinforce the likelihood that the clothing of the deceased was made of silk.
The location of this dakhma in the city of Ray—situated precisely along the main trade route for transporting silk textiles from Tabaristan to Khorasan (
The Maknā functions as a form of social skin in Zoroastrian women’s rites of passage, symbolizing the transition between key stages of life—such as from virginity to marriage or from life to death—much like other ritual head coverings across cultures (Kim Citation2025, 213). The color of the Maknā in Zoroastrian women’s attire functioned as a dress code indicating their marital status. Upon death, they were placed in the dakhma wearing a Maknā of the same color. This final Maknā was traditionally prepared and presented by the husband—provided he was still aliveFootnote13—for his wife to wear.
In traditional Zoroastrian marriage customs, each of the five types of marriage—practiced since the Sasanian era (Salehi and Naderi Citation2014, 93) and continuing until approximately a century ago—was associated with a specific color of the silk Maknā worn by women as part of a codified dress code. The Maknā for Pātaxšāyih
Given the emphasis on the concept of purity in Zoroastrian religious beliefs (Pashootanizadeh Citation2025, 136), it appears that dressing the deceased in a new Maknā may have been a preferred practice. In this context, the proximity of the dakhma to the textile bazaar may indicate both ritual considerations and practical needs.
Zoroastrian women in Yazd, many of whom were engaged in silk weaving, seem to have either produced textiles on commission for silk merchants or sold their woven fabrics directly in the fabric bazaar. As such, the location of the Yazd cloth bazaar in relative proximity to the Zoroastrian dakhma—
A similar pattern may be observed in Kerman, where Zoroastrians also appear to have required silk fabric for funerary practices. However, unlike in Yazd, they may not have relied on the Bazaar-e Qeysarieh, as many Zoroastrians in Kerman were silk merchants residing within Zoroastrian neighborhoods and storing textiles in domestic spaces, a practice primarily motivated by security concerns and the need to prevent theft.
Instead, the Zoroastrian merchants used their Farr—a collection of silk productions—to present their inventory to retailers. When an agreement was reached, the ordered quantity of silk was dispatched directly from the merchants’ home warehouses to the retailers.
Given these logistical arrangements, the considerable distance between the Zoroastrian dakhma in Kerman and the Bazaar-e Qeysarieh—approximately 210 km—may not be coincidental and could plausibly reflect a different economic and distribution structure compared to Yazd.
The Tirgān FestivalFootnote14 and Tir
Tirgān is a Zoroastrian religious festival associated with the longest day of the year. It is held in the month of “Tir” in the Iranian/Zoroastrian calendar, which corresponds to the first day of July. Tirgān is held in honor of Tishtrya, the Zoroastrian divinity of rain (Zoroastrian Calendar of Iran 2025). This celebration holds particular cultural and historical significance in the regions of Tabaristan and Khorasan, which evoke the legacy of the Silk Road. This connection has contributed to the continued observance of the festival in these areas up to the present day.
In Zoroastrian religious literature, the heroic figure Ārash is celebrated for shooting an arrow—pronounced Tir in Persian—from Tabaristan
Zoroastrian women silk weavers in Yazd craft colorful bracelets from silk threads—known as “Tir o Bād”—to give as gifts during the Tirgān festival and the word Tir simultaneously refers to both the arrow and the name of a month in the Zoroastrian calendar, while Bād denotes a gentle breeze or wind, believing that wishes reside within them, much like silkworms within their cocoons (Pashootanizadeh Citation2020, 256). After ten days, these wishes are thought to transform into butterflies and take flight with the wind. On the day devoted to the deity of wind, the bracelets are released into the breeze in hopes that the wishes will be carried away and fulfilled (Pashootanizadeh Citation2024, 126). This custom was not originally practiced in Kerman but is considered an imported tradition, likely due to the city’s longstanding history in the silk trade, whereas sericulture, silk weaving, and the production of silk tablet-woven strips are indigenous to Yazd.
The earliest example of Iranian patchwork using factory-produced cotton fabrics was created by Zoroastrian women in Yazd during the Qajar period (Salehieh Yazdi and Saber Citation2022, 109). This particular form of patchwork emerged as a creative response to discriminatory regulations of the Qajar era, which prohibited Zoroastrians from purchasing imported cotton fabrics. Muslim fabric merchants who did not employ the symbolic display tool known as Farr would arrange rectangular strips cut from fabric bolts on a table in front of their shops to serve as a makeshift showcase. The main stock of fabric was stored inside the shop, and customers, after selecting the desired type of textile from these display strips, would present them to the merchant in order to purchase the required length. After a particular fabric was sold out, the rectangular display strip was discarded. Zoroastrian women of Yazd would collect these discarded fabric strips and create patchworks known as “Tir o Six” adorned with the distinctive and delicate embroidery with silk threads typical of Zoroastrian artisans—known as “Zartošti-dūzi” (Pashootanizadeh Citation2021, 124).
The silk variant of the Zoroastrian patchwork of Yazd Tir o Six, which is not decorated using Zartošti-dūzi
Two Zoroastrian cultural materials related to silk, namely Tir o Bād and Tir Tirak, each originate from one of the cities to which many Zoroastrian migrants from Tabaristan and Khorasan
Conclusion
This study reveals that Zoroastrians from the regions of Tabaristan and Khorasan
The spatial relationship between the silk textile bazaars and the Zoroastrian dakhmas (funerary towers) plays a significant role in identifying occupations related to silk among Iranian Zoroastrians. Historical travel accounts and documented dress codes confirm that Zoroastrian burial customs involved silk garments, including Maknā, the ceremonial headscarf traditionally worn by Zoroastrian women during transitional life stages such as marriage and death. Moreover, archaeological discoveries from the Dakhma of Ray/Bibi Šahrbānū—situated along the historical corridor linking Tabaristan and Khorasa
Linguistically, the Dari Behdini dialect differs between Yazd and Kerman: inhabitants of Khorasan spoke the Khorasani dialect, while those from Tabaristan used the Perso-Tabari dialect. The names of Zoroastrian settlements and the importance of territorial identity have assisted in tracing the original homelands of these migrants.
Overall, the Zoroastrian community, as both a religious and ethnic group, has been instrumental not only in preserving silk-related traditions but also in safeguarding the tangible and intangible heritage of the Silk Road, deeply intertwined with their religious beliefs. However, the decline in population, the transformation of Zoroastrians into a global diaspora, and the erosion of their traditional languages place this heritage at considerable risk, highlighting the urgent need for focused ethnographic fieldwork and archival research to ensure its preservation.
Preserving this heritage is not merely a scholarly responsibility but a cultural imperative, vital to honoring the enduring legacy of one of the world’s oldest religious communities.
Acknowledgements
This article was completed and written based on information collected and interviews conducted with Zoroastrian women silk weavers and Zoroastrian silk traders, to whom I am deeply grateful for generously sharing their knowledge. I would also like to thank Shahin Bekhradnia for facilitating my access to the silk garments of Zoroastrian women housed in UK museums, and Eva Anderson Strand and Irene Skals Livermore for their valuable feedback, which greatly contributed to improving the quality of this article.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Additional information
Funding
This work was supported by the European Union’s Horizon Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Skłodowska Curie fellowship (DocZow project).
Notes on contributors
A. Pashootanizadeh
I am an Associate Professor of Traditional Arts at the Cultural Heritage Research Institute of Iran and currently a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Postdoctoral Fellow at the Centre for Textile Research, University of Copenhagen (since May 2024). My research focuses on documenting the intergenerational transmission of Zoroastrian women’s silk weaving, which encompasses both the tangible and intangible heritage of silk from the Sasanian period to the present. The oral traditions transmitted through Dari Behdini—the distinctive, unwritten language of Iranian Zoroastrians with two main branches and more than twenty linguistic sub-branches—serve as the primary vehicle for the intergenerational transfer of Zoroastrian silk heritage. The Zoroastrian diaspora, as a very small global community, together with the industrialization of societies, has led to the loss of its language and various aspects of silk heritage, highlighting the critical importance of documentation and research in this field. As a member of the Iranian Zoroastrian community, I possess deep familiarity with its culture and language. Moreover, my family’s longstanding involvement in textile crafts has provided me with privileged access to Zoroastrian silk weavers in Yazd and silk traders in Kerman, thereby enriching my research on the preservation of Zoroastrian silk heritage. azp@hum.ku.dk
Notes
1 UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage. 2026. “The Tradition of Honoring Water and Rain, Tirgān/Vardavar (Armenia, Iran (Islamic Re
By A. Pashoontanizadeh
Associate Professor of Traditional Arts at the Cultural Heritage Research Institute of Iran and currently a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Postdoctoral Fellow at the Centre for Textile Research, University of Copenhagen (since May 2024)
Published online 1 June 2026
https://www.tandfonline.com/